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Separate Rayalaseema is a must, if Telangana state is formed- Byreddy, RJAC ఆగస్ట్ 28, 2012

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Andhra, Congress, Economy, elections, Hyderabad, Identity, JAC, Kurnool, politics, Rayalaseema, Reddy, regionalism, TDP, Telangana, TRS.
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Seema leaders seek new state
August 27, 2012 Deccan Chronicle, Hyderabad

Leaders from Rayalaseema on Sunday demanded a separate state in the event of a Telangana state being formed stating that they could not remain with Coastal Andhra. In a meeting held in a private function hall in Khairatabad, organised by former TD legislator Byreddy Rajasekhar Reddy, the leaders decided to form a Rayalaseema Joint Action Committee on the lines of the TJAC for Telangana. It was also decided to form JACs for all professional sections of the society to fight against injustice to the region as well as for separate statehood.

Mr Byreddy Rajasekhar Reddy announced that he would undertake a 40-day padayatra covering all the villages in the four districts of Rayalaseema soon. He also demanded TD chief N. Chandrababu Naidu mention the backwardness of the Rayalaseema region in the proposed letter on the Telangana statehood issue in the first week of September. (మరింత…)

పట్నం తగవులో పరుల స్వార్థం : శ్రీనివాసులు, చెన్న బసవయ్య అక్టోబర్ 14, 2011

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in 1969, Andhrapreneurship, corruption, Deccan, Economy, heritage, Hyderabad, landuse, Mulki, Nizam, politics, Settler, TDP, Telangana, Telugu (తెలుగు), TRS, universities, YSR.
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పట్నం తగవులో పరుల స్వార్థం
కె.శ్రీనివాసులు, ఎం.చెన్న బసవయ్య, రాజనీతి శాస్త్ర ఆచార్యులు, ఉస్మానియా విశ్వవిద్యాలయం

ప్రస్తుత తెలంగాణ ఉద్యమం, రాష్ట్ర విభజన చర్చలలో హైదరాబాద్ స్థాయి కీలక వివాదాంశంగా మారింది. హైదరాబాద్ నగరం చారిత్రకంగా, భౌగోళికంగా రాజకీయంగా, సంస్కృతీపరంగా తెలంగాణకు గుండెకాయ లాంటిది అని తెలంగాణ వాదులు వాదించడం సహజంగానే అర్థం చేసుకోదగ్గది . కానీ హైదరాబాద్‌పై సీమాంధ్రుల వాదనను ఏ కోణం, దృక్పథం నుంచి అర్థం చేసుకోవాలి ? హైదరాబాద్ ఈ స్థాయికి ఎదగడానికి కేవలం తమ పెట్టుబడులే కారణమని సీమాంధ్రులు వాదించడం సరైనదా? కాదా? ఈ వాదన వెనుక నిగూఢ ఎజెండాలేమైనా ఉన్నాయా? ఈ వివాదం పైకి కనపించినంత సులభమైనది కాదు.

మన దేశంలోని ఇతర నగరాలతో పోలిస్తే హైదరాబాద్ చరిత్రాత్మక ప్రత్యేకతను కలిగివున్నది. ఈ ప్రత్యేకతకు గల కారణం నిజాం రాజ్యంలో ఉండిన భూపాలన వ్యవస్థ. దీని కారణంగానే నేడు రాష్ట్ర విభజన చర్చలలో హైదరాబాద్ అత్యంత కీలక సమస్యగా మారింది. వీటిని అర్థం చేసుకోవాలంటే ఆంధ్ర ప్రదేశ్ రాష్ట్ర అవతరణ తరువాత పారిశామిక, వ్యాపారాభివృద్ధి క్రమంలో భాగంగా మారిపోయిన హైదరాబాద్ భూ దృశ్యపు తీరు తెన్నులను, హైదరాబాద్ పట్టణ పెరుగుదలకు గల రాజకీయార్థిక నేపథ్యాన్ని విశ్లేషించాల్సి ఉంటుంది.

నిజాం కాలంలో భూపాలనా వ్యవస్థ మూడు రకాలుగా ఉండేది. ఇంపీరియల్ గెజిటీర్ ఆఫ్ ఇండియా, ప్రావిన్సియల్ సిరీస్, హైదరాబాద్ స్టేట్ (1909) ప్రకారం అవి ఇలా ఉండేవి: (అ) సర్ఫ్-ఏ-ఖాస్ భూములు (రాజమాన్యాలు); (ఆ) జాగీరులు, సంస్థానాలు; (ఇ) ఖాల్స లేదా దివానీ. నిజాం రాజ్యంలోని మొత్తం భూమిలో సర్ఫ్-ఏ-ఖాస్ భూములు పది శాతం ఉండగా, జాగీరులు, సంస్థానాల క్రింద 30 శాతం భూములు ఖాల్స లేదా దివానీల రకం భూములు 60 శాతం ఉండేవి. సర్ఫ్-ఏ-ఖాస్ భూములు అన్నీ (సుమారు 1,30,000 ఎకరాల పైచిలుకు) కూడా అత్రాఫ్-ఇ-బల్దా అంటే హైదరాబాద్ మునిసిపాలిటీ చుట్టు ప్రక్కల ప్రాంతాలలో కేంద్రీకృతమై ఉండేవి. (మరింత…)

Form Telangana now – T K Arun అక్టోబర్ 7, 2011

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in agitation, Andhra, Andhrapreneurship, Articles, bandh, Congress, Economy, elections, Hyderabad, Identity, livelihoods, Polavaram, politics, regionalism, Telangana, TRS, Uttara Andhra.
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Form Telangana now
TK Arun, Economic Times, October 06, 2011

As Telangana burns, the Congress fiddles — with its electoral fortunes in all three regions of Andhra Pradesh and with credibility across the nation. The buzz is that the Congress wants to announce the new state only on the eve of the next assembly elections in 2014.

The calculation behind such thinking would perhaps be clear to the Hottentots, whose world of numbers used to have three elements: 1, 2 and many. The rest of us can only gape in awe.

The roadblock on Telangana, we are told, comes from West Bengal, in the form of Mamata Banerjee’s sensitivities on Gorkhaland: if Telangana is granted, it would strengthen separatist demands in Darjeeling. Neither the sense nor the sensibility on Telangana will change, as far as Ms Banerjee goes, by 2014. If the Congress can bite the bullet then, it might as well put its teeth to good use now.

Another argument is that the Congress cannot be seen to be buckling under pressure. Granted, the entire nation and Anna Hazare know the Congress is guided only by principle and never by pressure. That said, the worry that the Congress would, if it forms the new state under pressure, cede ground to the TRS that has been spearheading the agitation for Telangana is altogether misplaced.

Andhra Pradesh was formed under pressure, after Potti Sreeramulu died fasting for a separate Andhra state to be carved out of the erstwhile Madras Presidency, in 1952. Despite what today’s Congress logicians would deem to be abject surrender under pressure, the Congress formed all successive governments in Andhra Pradesh till the early 1980s.
Respecting popular sentiment is a core value of democracy, provided that sentiment does not conflict with equally core values such as protecting fundamental rights of individuals and groups. This qualification is, of course, what separates democracy from mobocracy. Respecting the wishes of the people of Telangana for a state of their own amounts to recognising and acting out popular sentiment, not yielding to pressure.

But TRS would certainly have the upper hand, to begin with. Dealing with that is normal politics. The way some Telangana agitators have turned into protection racketeers who take money for not targeting particular commercial installations is a source of popular revulsion that is waiting to be tapped. (మరింత…)

Move on Telangana జూలై 10, 2011

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in agitation, conflict resolution, Congress, Economy, elections, Hyderabad, Identity, livelihoods, Mulki, politics, regionalism, Sonia, Telangana.
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Move on Telangana
Economic Times, 7 Jul, 2011

Procrastination can lead to painful consequences, as the Congress party can testify after having first rushed to announce formation of a separate state of Telangana and then dragged its feet on acting on the promise. Now that legislators from the region have resigned en masse, including those from the Congress party, there is pressure on the party and the central government to act. At the same time, it is bad policy to concede a demand like formation of a separate state virtually at sword-point: that would be an invitation for a thousand separatist movements to brandish their swords around the country. (మరింత…)

Seemaandhra intellectuals appeal to their MPs & legislators to support separate Telangana మార్చి 8, 2011

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in 1969, agitation, Andhra, Andhrapreneurship, bandh, BJP, conflict resolution, Congress, CPI, CPI-M, G.O 610, Hyderabad, Identity, JAC, Jai Andhra, livelihoods, Mulki, Parliament, politics, Rayalaseema, regionalism, Settler, Sonia, students, TDP, Telangana, Uttara Andhra.
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Open Letter
Dt: 3/3/2011

1.Sri Pothuri Venkateswara Rao, Senior Journalist
2.Dr Tripuraneni Hanuman Chowdary, Chairman, Pragna Bharati and former IT Advisor, Government of Andhra Pradesh
3.Dr. Kakarla Subba Rao, former Director NIMS and a noted radiologist
4.Dr N.Bhaskar Rao, Social Scientist, New Delhi
5.Dr. Katti Padma Rao, Social Activist, Bapatla

Joint Appeal to MPs/ MLAs/ MLCs hailing from Seemandhra

Dear & Respected MP/ MLA/ MLC garu,

Sub: Creation of Telengana state – Obstructions imperiling Seemandhra people in and around Hyderabad.

1. The inclusion of Telangana to create the Andhra Pradesh state in 1956 had been from the beginning against the wishes of a majority of leaders from the region. The over 150 years of separation between the Telangana and the Seema-Andhra areas since 1800 AD has created unbridgeable gulf between social, educational economic mileus and political and cultural consciousnesses of the two regions. Vicissitudes of history have inflicted under-development and backwardness in the Telangana region under the Nizam’s rule.

2. The Seema-Andhra regions under the British rule had made considerable progress towards modernity and overall economic development, particularly in the fields of education, commerce and industry. The British regime had made its cultural impact too. The five and half decades of togetherness between the peoples of Telangana and Seema-Andhra regions in the integrated state had failed to bring equitable development in the different regions of the state and harmonize the relations between the peoples. It is an undeniable fact that the people of Telangana have always been nurturing a feeling that they are being ruled over and are denied self-rule. The separatist sentiment that had its roots in the Telangana region of the erstwhile Hyderabad state have been periodically surfacing ever since the formation of Andhra Pradesh. The sentiment as expressed in the 1969 Separate Telangana agitation was suppressed by strong-arm tactics and by luring some separatist leaders with power. The same had happened in 1972 Separate Andhra agitation too.

3. The separatist agitation in Telangana, largely peaceful till now, has been going on for almost a decade with increasing support from the people. While the 1969 agitation was mainly an urban phenomenon, today it has reached every nook and corner of Telangana and stirred the emotional feelings of the common people. The movement for separate Telngana is irresistible and cannot be simply wished away or suppressed by strong-arm tactics.

4. It is true that there are some apprehensions in the Coastal and Rayalaseema regions but that does not mean they are opposed to the formation of separate Telangana state. The presence of twenty or thirty lakhs of people from Coastal and Rayalaseema distiricts who came to their capital city Hyderabad during the last half a century or so, just as the people from other Telangana districts, should not be a factor in deciding the future of the state. They continue to remain an integral part of the Hyderabad population. Marathis, Kannadigas and even Gujaratis and Pujabis, in large numbers, have been living in the city for decades. Claiming special rights by these or any other group is irrational and unjustified. The apprehensions of these people and the people of the other two regions have to be removed by discussions and by trying to address the genuine grievances. (మరింత…)