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MIM looks to expand beyond Hyderabad నవంబర్ 15, 2012

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in elections, MIM, Mulki, Muslim.
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MIM looks to expand beyond Hyderabad
The Asian Age, Nov 14, 2012, Hyderabad, IANS

After snapping ties with the Congress both in New Delhi and in Andhra Pradesh, the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) is now looking to grow beyond its traditional stronghold in Hyderabad.

With 18 months left for the elections (if the Congress government survives any no-confidence motion), the MIM is gearing up to widen its base in Telangana and Rayalaseema regions having sizeable Muslim population.

Political analysts say as Congress is facing a huge task of winning the third straight election in the absence of a charismatic leader like Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy, the MIM decided to leave the sinking ship.

Though MIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi knows to play cards close to his chest, the Muslim political party may find a new ally in fledgling YSR Congress party, headed by son of Y.S. Rajasekhara Reddy who had close relations with MIM. (మరింత…)

Telangana State only after 2014 elections, says KCR నవంబర్ 12, 2012

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Congress, elections, KCR, Polavaram, regionalism, suicide, TRS, Y S Jagan.
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Telangana State only after 2014 elections, says KCR
Staff Reporter, The Hindu, Karimnagar, November 9, 2012

TRS chief asserts that party will not have any truck with Congress in future

The two-day brainstorming session of the Telangana Rashtra Samiti ended here on Thursday with its president K. Chandrasekhar Rao making two politically loaded statements of Telangana being a reality only after 2014 general elections and asserting that his party will not have any truck with the Congress in future.

TRS president K. Chandrasekhar Rao speaking to newsmen after the two-day brainstorming session in Karimnagar on Thursday. Photo: T Ajaypal Singh

Indicating that he was unsure of formation of separate State in the near future Mr. Rao said: “Now, the situation is ripe for TRS to emerge as a strong force in Telangana region by winning at least 100 Assembly seats and 15 Lok Sabha seats. No force can stop the formation of Telangana state after the coming general elections. It is not KCR, but the people of Telangana who will dictate terms to the Centre then, as we already have the support of 32 political parties.”

Conceding that the Congress has yet again betrayed on the separate State issue, Mr. Rao thundered: “There will be no more deadlines, only death-line for the Congress.” Briefing media persons over the deliberations, he took pains to explain in detail how the party was first engaged in consultations by the Congress leadership in Delhi and then deceived. After the general strike, when he met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Delhi, he was asked to remain patient as a solution would be found soon. Then he met senior Congress leaders who came up with a list of conditions that included merger of his party with Congress. (మరింత…)

Beyond Naxalbari: Maoist Insurgency & Counterinsurgency in India నవంబర్ 4, 2012

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Hyderabad, Telangana.
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Comparative Studies in Society and History 2012; 54(4): 832–862

Beyond Naxalbari: A Comparative Analysis of Maoist Insurgency and Counterinsurgency in Independent India

JONATHAN KENNEDY, Department of Sociology, University of Cambridge
SUNIL PURUSHOTHAM, Faculty of History, University of Cambridge


This paper demonstrates that there have been three distinct waves of Maoist insurgency in India since 1947. We construct an ideal typical model of Maoist insurgency that is used to compare the roles played by local populations, insurgents, and state counterinsurgency measures across space and time. This allows us to demonstrate that the commonly accepted narrative of Indian Maoist insurgency must be fundamentally rethought. The Naxalbari outbreak in 1967 and the subsequent insurgency in West Bengal is generally agreed to be the central point in the history of Maoist insurgency in India. But our analysis demonstrates that it was comparatively short-lived and atypical. We instead trace the genealogy of Indian Maoism to Telengana in the late 1940s. The common feature linking all three waves is the persistence of insurgent activity among various tribal or adivasi communities in the central Indian “tribal belt.” Their overriding grievances are the historically iniquitous relationships produced by the processes of state and market expansion that have incorporated and subordinated adivasi populations who previously had a large degree of socioeconomic and political autonomy. The state’s counterinsurgency strategy has consisted of violence combined with developmental and governance interventions. This has pushed Maoist insurgency to the margins of Indian political life but has been unable to eliminate insurgent activity or address the fundamental grievances of adivasis. We conclude by arguing that Maoist insurgency in India should not be considered as crime to be resolved by state violence, or as an economic problem requiring the intensification of developmental measures, but as a matter of politics.


Over the past two decades, as the political influence of Marxism has declined in most of the world, Maoist insurgency in India has not only persisted but expanded. Union Minister of Home Affairs P. Chidambaram (2009) estimates that Maoist insurgents are active in 223 of India’s 626 districts – although only 90 are consistently affected by insurgent violence—and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (2006) has stated that the insurgency poses “the single biggest internal-security challenge” India has ever faced. Maoist insurgency is not, however, a recent phenomenon: although the insurgents have failed to seize state power, insurgencies involving various combinations of left-wing organizations and rural inhabitants have occurred in ebbs and flows since independence. Table I uses data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program/ Peace Research Institute Oslo (UCDP/PRIO) “Armed Conflict Database” to demonstrate that there have been three distinct waves of Maoist insurgent activity. These were not necessarily referred to as Maoist insurgencies at the time, but they all involved an armed conflict between the state and a political organization that legitimized its activities with reference to communist and Maoist ideology and strategy. (మరింత…)

Polavaram tenders, a case of ‘quo pro quid’ ?? నవంబర్ 1, 2012

Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Andhra, biodiversity, Congress, corruption, Godavari, indigenous, Polavaram, politics, Telangana, TRS.
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Polavaram tenders, a case of ‘quo pro quid’ ??
by A Saye Sekhar, Frontpageindia.com Oct 31,2012

Transstroy India Ltd was selected for the execution of the massive Polavaram project. The project tenders became controversial twice and the Government had cancelled the tenders following legal intervention. In fact, the tender was given to SEW Infrastructure of CL Rajam, who is Chairman of Namaste Telangana newspaper and a close associate of Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) president K Chandrasekhar Rao.

When the Government cancelled the earlier ones and called for tenders afresh, Transstroy India Ltd in which Guntur MP Rayapati Sambasiva Rao, has interests, and Soma Constructions came as L1 and L2. After the techno-economic analysis, the Engineer-in-Chief of multi-thousand-crore Polavaram Project awarded the execution order to Transstroy India Ltd, which was asked to submit the project schedule within 15 days. (మరింత…)