Tribal displacement in Telangana for tiger conservation డిసెంబర్ 4, 2015Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Adilabad, biodiversity, conflict resolution, displacement, ecology, Mahabubnagar, Naxalite, ST, Telangana, TRS.
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State to facilitate relocation of tribal people
Nikhila Henry, The Hindu, Hyderabad, December 2, 2015
To protect the big cat, the State will relocate hundreds of Adivasis and other forest-dwellers, who reside within core areas in Amarabad and Kawal tiger reserves. As per initial estimates, Adivasis and other forest inhabitants from about 24 village units will have to be relocated.
Telangana has issued orders to constitute State and district committees to facilitate the relocation. The phase-wise process could take more than a year, officials said. The decision to set up conservation councils was as per orders issued by the Principal Chief Conservator of Forests and in-charge Chief Wildlife Warden, Telangana. The process will be done as per the guidelines of National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA).
As per orders issued by the government, both the district and State-level monitoring committee is expected to meet at least once a year to review the relocation process. (మరింత…)
Telangana should have come two years ago: GK Pillai అక్టోబర్ 19, 2013Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Identity, Naxalite, politics, regionalism, SRC, Telangana.
Tags: small states
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Telangana should have come two years ago, says Former Union home secretary GK Pillai
Manan Kumar, Agency DNA, 19 October 2013
Former Union home secretary GK Pillai tells dna’s Manan Kumar in an exclusive interview that the Telangana decision was wrongly timed. It should have come one or two years ago, he said. Edited excerpts:
Is carving out a new state of Telangana a right decision? Will it create more problems?
If people in Telangana do not want to be part of Andhra, they have full right to demand a new state. If after 60 years, Andhra hasn’t been able to give them confidence… I do not see any reason why they cannot be given a state. But the timing of the decision is bad. It should have come one or two years ago.
The Centre too should have pushed for the first best option given by the Justice Sri Krishna Commission — to give Telangana a regional council. The government should have tried it out for two-three years. If that did not work they should have then gone for the full statehood option.
Which major problem do you foresee once Telangana is carved out?
Most of the problems like capital are highly exaggerated. I think the main problem would be water because water flows from Telangana to coastal regions, which has more fertile land. The real fear of Seemandhra region is what if Telangana constructs a dam. That is something that Telangana should not do but then there is inter-state water commission and recourse to law to take care of such issues.
There is a strong view that creation of Telangana will help the Maoists?
On the contrary, I think a delay in creating Telangana will help the Maoists and allow them to exploit pro-Telangana sentiments. (మరింత…)
CM forced DGP Dinesh Reddy to Link Telangana state to Naxalism అక్టోబర్ 14, 2013Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in Congress, Naxalite, politics, Telangana.
Tags: 2014 elections
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Link Telangana state to Naxalism, chief minister told me: former top cop
NDTV, Reported by Uma Sudhir, Edited by Deepshikha Ghosh, October 9, 2013
Hyderabad:At a time when Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy has been accused of supporting protests against the state’s bifurcation to create Telangana, a former top cop has alleged that Mr Reddy asked him to give an adverse report against the proposed new state.
Director General of Police Dinesh Reddy, who was replaced a week ago, has claimed that the Chief Minister had asked him to say a separate Telangana would lead to more Maoist problems.
But speaking exclusively to NDTV’s Uma Sudhir, Dinesh Reddy also admitted that he had felt humiliated by the Chief Minister and that was also a reason for his outburst. (మరింత…)
Tags: 119 assembly seats, GO 177, Nagam Janardhan Reddy, Nagarkurnool, Parigi, Srikrishna
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Nagam’s meet moots new JAC to fight polls
VV Balakrishna, Express News Service, 10 May 2011
NAGARKURNOOL: In what is being perceived as an attempt to dare his leader N Chandrababu Naidu and TRS chief K Chandrasekhara Rao, TDP Telangana leader Nagam Janardhan Reddy on Monday said the legislators regardless of the party they belong to should come out in support of Telangana or people would dump them in history’s dust-bin.
Janardhan Reddy organised a massive public meeting at the headquarters of his home Nagarkurnool constituency without the Telugu Desam flags.
Kalawakurthy MLA Jaipal Yadav, an ardent supporter of Janardhan Reddy, brought out a proposal for formation of a Joint Action Committee to contest all the 119 assembly seats in Telangana region in the 2014 elections, indicating the possibility of a new political formation parallel to the TDP and the TRS. (మరింత…)
U-turns on Telangana : Gautam Pingle ఏప్రిల్ 12, 2011Posted by M Bharath Bhushan in agitation, Andhra, Andhrapreneurship, BJP, compromise, Congress, elections, Identity, Naxalite, politics, regionalism, Settler, TDP, Telangana, Telugu, terrorism, TRS.
Tags: Bibek Debroy-Lavash Bhandari Report, Chapter 8, Chidambaram, Duggal, Srikrishna
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U-turns on Telangana
Gautam Pingle, Deccan Chronicle, April 10, 2011
Telangana statehood has many sympathisers. The UPA-appointed Pranab Mukherjee Committee received letters of support for Telangana from Mr I. K. Gujral, Chandrasekhar, V.P. Singh and Mr H.D. Deva Gowda (all former PMs) and also from Mr Lalu Yadav, Ms Mayawati, Mr Sharad Pawar, Ms Mehbooba Mufti, Mr George Fernandes, and Mr Prakash Singh Badal. Mr Yadav understood what was driving the movement.
He wrote: “The people of the region have been fighting for it for more than a half a century. It is a people’s movement in the real sense. This movement has always been solidly backed by every section of the people of the region. Intellectuals, government employees, students remained although, as the backbone of the movement. And now, it has percolated down to the agrarian sector and the working classes…. The people of this region strongly feel and they have every reason to feel so — that they can no longer live in the integrated state of Andhra Pradesh with self respect and dignity.”
All these were non-Congress leaders. The BJP has always been a consistent supporter. But the NDA was prevented in granting statehood to Telangana only because, as Mr Advani wrote in his memoir, of objections by Mr Chandrababu Naidu and the TD — its major coalition partner. Since 2009, however, the TD and Mr Naidu have also supported Telangana statehood. The Congress has in 2004 and again in 2009 promised statehood for Telangana in its election manifestos. The riddle is why was there the delay since at least 2009? (మరింత…)
Separation Pangs – Telangana : Gita Ramaswamy జూన్ 5, 2010Posted by Telangana Utsav in 1969, Congress, CPI-M, Fazal Ali Commission, Hyderabad, Identity, MIM, Mulki, Naxalite, peace, politics, regionalism, Review, Settler, Six Point Formula, suicide, TDP, Telangana, TRS.
Tags: CH Hanumantha Rao, Gadi, M.Bharath Bhushan, N Venugopal
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Cheated on promises of equity for decades, Telangana’s right to statehood is validated by scholars and activists
Telangana today evokes images of gun-toting khaki-clad Naxalites and students immolating themselves—both conjuring horror and violence. In contrast, the Telangana movement for a separate state is both a peaceful movement and a movement for peace, an anomaly in a region marked by continuing violent struggles. By and large, the separatists have been peaceful, resorting to fasts, dharnas and processions. Telangana, which has seen decades of violence—from the Communist-led armed struggle of the forties to Naxalite violence the seventies onwards, and the horrific police repression of both—yearns for peace. The call for a separate Telangana is also a call for development on its own terms, to enable vertical contradictions within the area to be resolved within it.
The Telangana slogan is a six-decade-old one. In 1952, the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly voted to keep the Hyderabad state intact and separate. The States Reorganisation Commission, appointed by the Nehru government, also cautioned against forced unification in 1955. The gentlemen’s agreement in 1956 (between Telangana and Andhra leaders) stated that the utilisation of Telangana’s huge surpluses should be within the area of Telangana. This was not done. Data from 1966-67 shows 88.4 per cent of government canals were in the Andhra region, and only 1.4 per cent in Telangana. Subsequent developments confirmed the fears of the people of Telangana. Telangana has failed to get an equitable share of public investments, there is discrimination against its people both in public education and employment, and a clear denial of political power to leaders of this region. Two major rivers pass through Telangana—the Krishna and the Godavari; neither irrigates the area substantially. Instead, their waters go to the coastal Andhra districts of Krishna, Guntur, East and West Godavari. (మరింత…)
Tags: jalayagnam, mafia, mining
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Fasting, Mining, Politicking? Telangana and the Burdens of History
The burdens of history are many for Telangana as they are for most regions of the world whose people have been historically subjected to domination, oppression and exploitation. These burdens are cumulative and imbricate each other, and result not only in various forms of ‘backwardness’, but also in ways of perceiving a problem and modes of struggle that reify and reflect those burdens rather than enable subject populations to look for meaningful alternatives. Telangana has been witness to a long history of struggles, some initiated by its own populations, others instigated from outside, and yet others forged by radical or bourgeois class alliances across regions. Whether or not the people of Telangana get a separate state, what they are desperately seeking for is agency. What is however worth emphasizing is that, if the current round of protests and agitations are to yield rewards for the region’s long suffering and distressed classes, some at least of the parties involved need to find ways of escaping the past and instead search for new methods of agitation and new vocabularies to articulate an alternate politics that truly reflects the frustrations, grievances, and aspirations of the troubled region.
The formation of Linguistic States, although essential, cannot be decided by any sort of hooliganism. Nor must it be solved in a manner that will serve party interest. It must be solved by cold blooded reasoning.
B. R. Ambedkar
Thoughts on Linguistic States, 1955
The morality of Gandhi’s emotional athyachar through his fast unto death preceding the Poona Pact of 1932 is rarely called into question by his many admirers, followers and scholarly acolytes. While criticism of Gandhi’s tactics by dalits and those who adopt a dalit/ bahujan perspective in their analyses is seen as partial and subjective, the long term consequences of this Gandhian method of protest to get others to toe your line has not been taken seriously despite the frequent use of this method for contentious goals and objectives. The simultaneous use of Gandhian methods of fasting and street violence by groups ostensibly fighting for a separate Telangana state, and similar counter strategies resorted to by pro-United Andhra groups may constitute a “grammar of anarchy” as Ambedkar warned in his closing speech to the Constituent Assembly. Ambedkar also castigated other Gandhian methods such as civil disobedience, non-cooperation and satyagraha, arguing that in a post-independent nation there was no “justification for these, …where constitutional methods are open”. The tendency of diverse groups in India to resort to unconstitutional methods derives in large part from a partisan state that selectively uses force when it fears legitimate protests and demands, and turns a blind eye to violence when it is perpetrated by groups closely allied to those who people the state. The Indian state’s rapid response to Gandhian fasting methods in this case needs to be seen against the backdrop of hundreds of more legitimate demands by diverse groups around the country which are equally rapidly put down with brutal force, even as the demands take decades to be addressed if at all they are taken seriously.
That significant decisions that decide the fate of millions are still taken as a response to unconstitutional methods, to hooliganism, and in ways that “serve (specific) party interests”, rather than by recourse to “cold blooded reasoning”, and institutionalized debates, is as much a sign of the evolution of our political society, as it is a symptom of the deep gulf between the two broad streams of Gandhian and Ambedkarite political norms that we have inherited. Such methods of protest constitute only one of several burdens from the past that we carry and that affect how we govern ourselves, how democracy works for different sections of our population. For, as Ambedkar perhaps would have been the first to acknowledge, street violence by supporters of a Telangana state are but a direct reaction to deep levels of frustration resulting from political misrule, the absence of meaningful development and empowerment, and the failure of diverse political and social groups to understand, articulate or express their genuine grievances. But more importantly, street violence and hooliganism that target both coastal Andhra elites and middle class and poor migrants from the Andhra region settled in Hyderabad and other urban centres in Telangana are also a response to mindless police brutality. Police brutality and administrative violence in Telangana cannot be understood in simplistic terms as the action of the state apparatus supporting the interests of the ruling class, though this may in large part be true. We need to recognize that the state has interests of its own, that the state apparatus behaves in habitual ways, is disposed to react by virtue of a certain habitus, and that the agents of the state also constitute a class by virtue of their social status, property ownership position, and surplus extraction function. That diverse groups fighting for a Telangana state – be it the TRS or the JAC – have simply failed to understand, far less address the grievances and frustrations of the youth of the region can also be seen in the way in which personal troubles are linked to public issues1 – reflected in the scores of suicides and suicide bids that are currently taking place. In many ways the street violence and suicides are expressions of the fact that vast sections of Telangana’s population have been among the politically ‘uncounted2’ despite the long history of the Telangana movement. One might even argue that the politics surrounding the Telangana state, the hijacking of the demand by parties which do not truly represent or comprehend the aspirations of those they pretend to represent, the street violence and suicides – all of these in fact are reflective of a politics involving the “inscription of a part of those who have no part”3, in other words the attempts by those who have hitherto not been represented adequately to make their voices heard. (మరింత…)
Telangana prospects in doubt after Dantewada మే 16, 2010Posted by Telangana Utsav in agitation, compromise, Congress, Identity, Mulki, Naxalite, Parliament, politics, regionalism, Sonia, ST, Telangana.
Tags: Chidambaram, Dantewada
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Telangana prospects in doubt after Dantewada
Friday, 14 May 2010
Hyderabad, May 14: The Centre seems to have no stomach for small states any more, if recent remarks made by P Chidambaram are any indication. Stunned by the Dantewada attack on security forces last month, the Union government is said to be worried about the national security implications of creating small states. If so, that may end any hopes of a separate Telangana.
“Can we think of creating more states after what happened in Dantewada?” the Union Home Minister reportedly said in an aside during a recent meeting in New Delhi. Highly placed sources disclosed to Express that Chidambaram did not directly refer to the ongoing agitation for a separate state in Telangana but the import of his statement is not difficult to read.
A warlike situation is prevailing in Chhattisgarh with central paramilitary forces finding it difficult to break the hold of the Maoists on the vast expanse of forests in the small state bordering Andhra Pradesh and Orissa. The Dantewada massacre of 76 CRPF men last month shocked Chidambaram, and sent Home Ministry mavens scurrying to reexamine the first principles of their strategy against the Maoists. (మరింత…)
Tags: andhra capitalist, land grabbers, Maytas, Satyam, scams, Telengana, union territory
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More Satyams in a new Telengana?
Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, 10 Mar 2010, The Economic Times
Carving small states (Jharkhand , Chattisgarh and Uttrakhand ) out of larger ones (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh ) has so far proved an economic success . Not only have the new states grown faster economically, even Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have experienced much faster growth after the separation, though not Madhya Pradesh. This appears to strengthen the case for creating more small states such as Telengana.
Yet a short visit I made to Andhra Pradesh showed dramatically that a separate Telengana could result in problems that other newly-created states have not experienced. The biggest is a problem of land ownership, and this could conceivably create new Satyams. In Hyderabad, some, though by no means all, businessmen talk with trepidation. The fears are highest among the Andhras, folk from the coastal districts, who fear they will be adversely affected and maybe even forced to flee by the local folk or mulkis.
One such businessman told me, “My driver, a local mulki, said to me, quite gently, that when I left Hyderabad after the separation of Telengana, could I please gift my car to him?” Another businessman trumped this with a better story. “My domestic servants”, he said, “requested me to hand over my house to them as and when I leave!” (మరింత…)
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The Hindu, Opinion/ Op-Ed January 16, 2010
Telangana: inevitable and desirable
G. Kishan Reddy
The Hindu has argued editorially that a just and sustainable solution to the Telangana issue can be found within an undivided Andhra Pradesh. Here is an Op-Ed article by a BJP legislator that presents a contra-argument.
In the winter of 1953, the Fazal Ali Commission was set up to reorganise the States of the Indian Republic. Its recommendation to go about creating States on linguistic lines, indirectly paved the way for the creation of Andhra Pradesh. Andhra was formed from the northern districts of the erstwhile Madras state and the southern districts of the erstwhile Hyderabad state — though the committee itself did not advocate such a merger and was against it.
Fifty-six winters later, the very concept of the creation of States based on linguistic lines has become passé. We need to look for fresh parameters for the creation of States, and that has to be based on holistic development on economic and social lines for better administration and management. This fact has been proven with the creation of Chhattisgarh from Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand from Bihar and Uttaranchal from Uttar Pradesh.
Two issues that seem to be at the centre of the contention between the two regions of Andhra Pradesh is the future of Hyderabad and the repercussions in terms of the sharing of river waters from the completed and planned irrigation projects after the division of the State. Any entity, political or otherwise, that is able to find pragmatic solutions to this conundrum would not only earn the respect of the people of the State but also help set a precedent in the matter of contentious State divisions in the future.
Economics of small States
The case for small States can be argued with two parameters of macroeconomic statistics from the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation. The first parameter is the percentage increase in Gross Domestic Product for States between 1999-2000, when the smaller States were created, and 2007-2008. India’s overall GDP increased by 75 per cent during this time period. During the same period, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttaranchal recorded more than 100 per cent, 150 per cent and 180 per cent increase respectively. These rates were much above the rate at which national GDP increased. This clearly indicates that the recent creation of smaller States was a step in the right direction.
Experts have often argued that the creation of smaller States has been at the expense of the States they were created from. For all its lack of governance, Uttar Pradesh grew by more than 21 per cent of the national average during this time period. (మరింత…)